Today’s Mass Shooting in the Pittsburgh Synagogue, the Second Amendment, and Ted Cruz



Today’s Mass Shooting in the Pittsburgh Synagogue,
the Second Amendment, and Ted Cruz

October 27, 2018

     The sad news of another mass shooting, this one in a synagogue in Pittsburgh, impels this pop quiz for Ted Cruz:

A Quiz for Ted Cruz About the Second Amendment
by Josiah M. Daniel, III
Dear Senator Cruz:
     Who said this?:
“Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. [It is] not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose.”[1]
     Answer: No, not Barack Obama, or Hillary Clinton, or Nancy Pelosi. It was your personal hero, the late Justice Antonin Scalia, whom you have called “a passionate champion of th[e] humbler view of the judicial role,” that is, the view that “the Constitution has a fixed meaning and a judge’s task is limited—to discover what that meaning is, not to make it up.”[2] As you have acknowledged, Justice Scalia “authored some of the most important decisions ever, including District of Columbia v. Heller, which recognized our fundamental right under the Second Amendment to keep and bear arms.”[3]
     The above quotation—which makes clear that the right to a gun is not absolute—is directly from the that same Heller decision—authored by Justice Scalia before his death in 2016.
     So why do you continually and misleadingly speak of the Second Amendment as if it were an absolute right? To the NRA convention in Houston this past May 4, you proclaimed “the Supreme Court recognized in District of Columbia vs. Heller that there is an individual right to keep and bear arms protected by the Second Amendment,”[4] but you never mentioned that, in the same decision, the Justice Scalia validated reasonable restrictions and conditions that states may properly place on guns and their owners. Instead you continue to mouth such meaningless aphorisms as “when guns are outlawed, only outlaws will have guns,” and your NRA speech actually belittled gun safety measures as merely “fiddling with the lengths of barrels, capacities of magazines, open and concealed carry [that] inch toward . . . the practical elimination of the Second Amendment.” You added that such efforts “hav[e] failed to gut the Second Amendment in Congress”[5]; but of course congressional legislation cannot “gut” or supersede the Constitution; rather, Congress and the States may enact reasonable limits on gun ownership and use, according to Justice Scalia.
     In fact, in the Heller case, Justice Scalia expounded on some reasonable gun restrictions: “For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the [Second] Amendment [and there is no] doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.”[6]
     Are you unaware of or are you ignoring the history of restrictions on guns in this country and, more specifically, in our state. After World War I, gun manufacturers freely sold the Thompson submachine gun the public, and gangsters and criminals eagerly bought it and used it in a nationwide crime wave. The federal government was slow to act, so states took it into their own hands to outlaw Tommy guns and other gangster weapons such as sawed-off shotguns, automatic pistols, and silencers.
     Our Texan ancestors, pertinently, did not sit on their hands. In the Act of Oct. 25, 1933,[7] the legislators of Texas enacted a prohibition of all automatic weapons, joining many other states. The next year, the federal government finally passed a criminal statute, the National Firearms Act of 1934, that required registration plus payment of a $200 tax (about $3,600 in current dollars) as the conditions for ownership of machine guns and sawed-off shotguns; and in 1939 the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the Act's constitutionality in a 1939 case.[8]
     So Texas—which in 1933 totally prohibited, and did not simply condition ownership of, automatic weapons—went even further than the federal government. This is history that informs the current considerations and discussions of what can and should be done. Our longstanding Texas statutes prohibit possession of, among other things:
(A)  an explosive weapon [defined as “any explosive or incendiary bomb, grenade, rocket, or mine”];
(B)  a machine gun [defined as “any firearm that is capable of shooting more than two shots automatically, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger”];
(C)  a short-barrel firearm [defined to include “a shotgun with a barrel length of less than 18 inches”]; or
(D)  a firearm silencer.
     The elected legislators of our Texan grandparents and great grandparents enacted a prohibition on the ownership of machine guns to solve a large public problems—gangsters with Tommy guns killing innocent people—and this history should shame those who today, such as yourself, who deny the constitutionality of even reasonable prohibitions on military-type guns and sales of such guns to those persons who have a high likelihood of causing mass casualties with them (such as the insane and minors) and imposing reasonable conditions, such as background checks and waiting periods, for all others who desire to buy a gun at a gun store or at a gun show, along with enhanced prohibitions on guns in vulnerable places such as schools and public buildings.
     Let me pose a few more questions to you, Senator:
  • On March 1, 2018, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas issued its order that the U.S. Marshals shall "[a]dopt procedures excluding the carrying of weapons by any and all persons other than" Marshals and their deputies and other court security personnel in the federal courthouses of the district (which covers East Texas from Beaumont to Sherman). Do you think this particular prohibition on guns either violates the Second Amendment or is a bad policy generally?
  • Do you think it to violate the Second Amendment or to be a bad idea for states such as Texas and local governments such as Dallas and Austin to prohibit the celebratory shooting of firearms within city limits?
  • Do you think the prohibition on ownership of the .50 caliber machine gun violates the Second Amendment or is a bad policy generally?
I anticipate your answers to each question to be "No." So the right to a gun is not absolute, is it?
    Total gun deaths in the United States today average around 37,000 a year; two-thirds are suicides and approximately are 12,000 homicides by gun. Mass shootings—defined as resulting in four or more people wounded or dead—now occur in the USA, on average, once or more per day. The 37,000 gun deaths is about equal to annual vehicular deaths. Guns, particularly those capable of rapid fire of many rounds without reloading, have caused a very large public health problem for Texans and all Americans. But you have done virtually nothing about it. You joined Senator Chuck Grassley in sponsoring a bill that says it is to improve background checks but in fact that bill would do so in only the most minor ways. And most recently, on August 21, you introduced what you call your “School Safety Amendment” to a pending appropriations bill, asserting that it will “empower local officials with resources to harden schools [and] keep students safe.”[9] Specifically your amendment provide federal funds for school districts to pay for “infrastructure or technologies” that among other things will “[c]ontrol access to school premises or facilities, through the use of metal detectors” and “[c]over and conceal students within the school during crisis situations.” These unfortunately are necessary band aids for the public health crisis that guns are more and more causing. But you will not hear of any real cures: reasonable limits on guns and their owners.
     Heller makes clear that what the Second Amendment does is to confer an individual right to keep and bear arms for the purpose of protection of the home. “Of course,” said Justice Scalia, “the right was not unlimited,” and it does not “protect the right of citizens to carry arms for any sort of confrontation.”[10] Like the reasonable regulation of automobiles, including the requirement of carrying liability insurance, the legislators of the Texan people should follow the history of our Texan ancestors and should enact—the sooner the better—some common-sense “prohibit[ions]” and “conditions and qualifications” (again I'm directly quoting Scalia) on guns.
     The only bona fide question for public discussion, I submit, is where to draw the lines. Is a prohibition on sales to mentally unstable persons an exercise of good common sense? Should there be a waiting period before a firearm sale is made so that the buyer's background can be checked? Do hunters need military assault rifles and magazines of fifty rounds to kill deer and other game or should such weapons be restricted? 
     I own several sporting firearms that I use for hunting game. As a gun owner and a retired Texan concerned about the safety of my grandkids, I answer "YES" to the questions of the preceding paragraph. If those restrictions were enacted, they would not violate the Second Amendment as interpreted by Justice Scalia. And, really, in all honesty, you too must agree, Senator Cruz.



[1] District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008).
[2] Ted Cruz, The Scalia Seat: Let the People Speak, Wall Street Journal, May 6, 2016, available at https://www.cruz.senate.gov/?p=press_release&id=2606.
[3] Feb. 16, 2016, statement of Cruz upon the death of the Justice…https://www.businessinsider.com/ted-cruz-antonin-scalia-death-dead-2016-2
[4] Ted Cruz, Ted Cruz: Freedom only exists if citizens have the means to defend it, Dallas Morning News, May 3, 2018, available athttps://www.cruz.senate.gov/?p=press_release&id=3783.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Heller at 55-56.
[7] 1933 Tex. Gen. & Spec. Laws 219.
[8] U.S. v. Miller, 307 U. S. 174 (1939).
[9] Bill to amend H. R. 6157.
[10] Heller at 22.

Fraudulent transfer law . . . alive and well after five centuries

Several years ago, I published this article titled "The fraudulent-transfer risk in asset acquisitions and investments with financially distressed parties in the United States": https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17521440.2010.11428097. This law has deep historical roots. As I said in this article:

"The law traces its origin to theStatute of 13 Elizabeth in the sixteenth century. Today the law exists in two forms in the US: as the fraudulent transfer provisions of the federal Bankruptcy Code and as fraudulent transfer statutes in all fifty states and the District of Columbia. In the states, the law is reasonably uniform. In 1918, the National Commission on Uniform State Laws (NCUSL) promulgated the model Uniform Fraudulent Conveyance Act (UFCA). In 1978, Congress enacted the federal Bankruptcy Code, whose provisions include section 548, a self-contained fraudulent transfer statute, and section 544, which incorporates by reference any pertinent state fraudulent transfer statute otherwise available to the creditors. In 1984, the NCUSL promulgated the Uniform Fraudulent Transfer Act (UFTA) in an effort to update and harmonize state law with Bankruptcy Code section 548. Most states have now adopted the UFTA, but a few, including New York, retain the UFCA."

Both sets of laws provide for liability in cases of either actually fraudulent transfers or constructively fraudulent transfers.. . . .it authorizes recovery by a bankruptcy trustee or an unpaid creditor of a debtor of transfers by that business entity or by an individual of property when it or s/he is insolvent or is rendered insolvent or is in an equivalent state of financial distress . . . . this almost ancient law is alive and well today. . . if the reader has any questions about this law, contact a bankruptcy lawyer!

My newest article: "The Number NINE"....

      I'm happy to announce the publication of a short legal-historical article that I entitled "The Number Nine: Why the Texas Supreme Court Has the Same Number of Justices As the United States Supreme Court." 


     In the article I compare the Texas Supreme Court (the "SCOTX") and the U.S. Supreme Court (the "SCOTUS") and then ask the question reflected in the title, as follows:

     "A comparison of the two courts shows that the number of nine seats is one of the fundamental ways in which the two courts are alike. The other two similarities are that each is created in organic law—the constitution—of the respective government—federal or state—of which each is a component and that each is the court of last resort, or apex, of the judicial branch of its respective government and accompanying legal system.     Profound differences also obtain, of course. The SCOTUS is staffed by justices appointed by the President, and those justices enjoy lifetime tenure and protection against salary reduction during “good Behaviour." SCOTUS justices exit the bench only by death, resignation, or—since 1937—retirement. In contrast, the SCOTX is composed of justices who have won statewide election to serve fixed terms of only six years, on a staggered basis. The Texas justices thus serve at the pleasure of any majority of voters in an ongoing series of elections. Moreover, SCOTX justices have an age limitation of, more or less, 75 years; and they are not protected against salary reductions by the Legislature.     Moreover, while the number of nine justices is legislatively determined for the SCOTUS, it is constitutionally established for the SCOTX. To change the number of justices, an appropriate vote is required—by very different voters: by Members of Congress and Senators voting to revise the federal Judicial Code for the SCOTUS and by a statewide vote of Texas citizens in a constitutional-amendment election for the SCOTX. And while no SCOTUS justice has ever left the bench to run subsequently for office in the executive or legislative branches, the SCOTX is a springboard for election to such other offices.     With that comparison as background, consider now that first one of the three basic similarities of the two supreme courts—that is, both courts have the same number of justices, nine. The number of nine justices composing the SCOTUS has been fixed for a century and a half, since Congress enacted the Judiciary Act of 1869 in the aftermath of the Civil War; as noted, that number is 'carved in stone' as a result of the 1937 crisis. But the number of nine justices staffing the SCOTX is of much more recent vintage, dating from the adoption of a state constitutional amendment only 73 years ago, in 1945.     So, a pertinent question for Texas legal history is why and how did nine become the number of justices for Texas’s highest civil court,13 the SCOTX, mirroring that of the SCOTUS?"
My article posits the answer to that question.....see the article here:  https://www.yourhonor.com/web/images/pdfs/IC/2010s/IC_SUMMER_2018/24/





The Legal History Discussion Group of the Dallas Bar Association

During the 39 years I practiced law, I continued to nurse along my own historical projects, mainly in the area of legal history, as time occasionally permitted; and I thought to myself, "There must be other lawyers in Dallas like me, practitioners who have maintained a keen interest in history and who have their own projects." Then, twelve years ago, the redoubtable Peter Vogel (the "first computer lawyer in Texas" and a former President of the Dallas Bar Ass'n) suggested that I just create and announce my own group, informally but under the capacious umbrella of the Dallas Bar Ass'n, and see who shows up. So I did, naming the ad hoc group the "DBA Legal History Discussion Group." I made the first presentation on October 17, 2007, with a small handful of historically minded lawyers in attendance.

And then it took off. Over the past eleven years, I've organized 61 legal history presentations, almost even divided between academics, both historians and law professors, and Dallas lawyers who have a book or an article or a research project. I always obtain "continuing legal education" credit for the lawyer-attendees of the one hour presentations, and the sessions are always free of charge. It has been for me the hosting of a sort of a wide ranging seminar, as disclosed by the topics and speakers reported on this list:

---> https://drive.google.com/open?id=1KS6VeSGYr6JpTKU6QMGbK1dyMVDOP9gx

For more information, contact me . . . . and in future posts, I will be talking about what exactly is "legal history" these days . . . .

Historical scholarship today, in print and electronic: my work on Hatton Sumners

I have been working on the subject of Hatton W. Sumners, who was a Congressman from Dallas for almost four decades of the first half of the 20th century, including archival work in his papers at the Dallas Historical Society and in the National Archives, for about half a dozen years. Last year ago I published a short piece about Sumners' role in the resolution of the 1937 court-packing crisis in NOT EVEN PAST, the blog of the History Department of the University of Texas at Austin. My article is here:  https://notevenpast.org/hatton-sumners-and-the-retirement-of-supreme-court-justices/.

NOT EVEN PAST (https://notevenpast.org/) is a pioneering, award-winning blog that significantly connects UT Austin's History Department to the world. It features cutting-edge research, interviews, and thought-provoking essays and short articles (and podcasts) that demonstrate the broad ambit of historical research, writing, and teaching today.

I discovered recently that my online piece has crossed over into the print world of legal and legal-historical literature. I found that Louis Fisher, Scholar in Residence at the Constitution Project and author of at least fifteen books, cited my NOT EVEN PAST article in a footnote of his newest law-journal article:

I hope this small event illustrates the possibilities for a cross-pollination between historical work presented in print and that presented online.

Meanwhile, I am continuing my work on the Congressman, and, there being only abbreviated information about his life available in libraries and on the internet, I have begun to write a real biography of him in order to fill that gap in the historical literature.

My letter today to the commissioners of the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality


July 7, 2018

Jon Niermann, TCEQ Commissioner
Toby Baker, TCEQ Commissioner
Stephanie Bergeron Perdue, Interim Executive Director
MC 100
12100 Park 35 Circle
Austin, TX 78753

Re: Pollution cleanup benchmarks

Dear TCEQ:

Since at least the time of Teddy Roosevelt, it has been an element of American conservatism for all levels of government, including the states, to conserve natural resources and protect against pollution. Today, Texas needs to do more to vindicate that legacy.

Specifically, we, as lifelong citizens and as owners of both urban and rural land of Texas, need pollution cleanup benchmarks that are  robust—at least as strong as the national standards. More granularly, we of this household want Texas’s “Protective Concentration Limits” to be no higher than the federal Superfund Chemical Data Matrix benchmarks for the same contaminants contained in the same media.

This matter is of highest importance to us, and to our two sons and two daughters in law, plus our three grandchildren—who are growing up in an increasingly dangerous environment due to the historical and current and, no doubt, future releases of toxic and unhealthy chemicals in our state.

We are personally aware of instances of birth defects and other horrifying effects on children that cancer-causing and other toxic chemicals have caused.

Compliance with environmental laws and regulations does of course cost the businessman money. If a businessman could keep these dangerous substances contained within their own places of business, we would not care. BUT they cannot—and when they take actions and engage in activities that cause or permit these substances to travel through space and time and to reach us, our Dallas house, and our other rural properties, AND to contact (by air or water) our grandchildren, then we most certainly DO CARE, and we object and we insist that such businessmen not thereby inflict these dangers outside the confines of their places of business….and to clean them up when they do release such chemicals beyond their own places.

It appears to us that the State of Texas is not acting with urgency to live up to the imperative of conservation and the protection of the citizens (and their properties) that should be done. Protecting against pollution and taking active steps to clean up pollution is not anti-business; rather it is in the American tradition of Teddy Roosevelt.

We ask for your commitment to cleanup benchmarks at least as strong as the national benchmarks. Please advise.

Many thanks,

/s/